The inter-communal conflict between Share and Tsaragi communities in both Ifelodun and Edu Local Government Areas (LGAs) of Kwara State respectively has lingered too long without even raising the necessary red flag for peace advocacy. The recrudescent outbreak of violence between the two communities should be a worrisome concern in the State and beyond. In the last few years, the protracted borderland dispute between the two communities in Kwara State has remained a potent flashpoint for violence. At the bone of contention, according to Nigeria’s Strategic Conflict Assessment [SCA] Report (See: IPCR 2013:75), is a piece of farmland called fiangiawa [over 200 hectares] which the two communities lay claim to. For some, the creation of Ifelodun LGA in 1976 with headquarters in Share (a Yoruba community) was said to have been misconstrued by Tsaragi community (Nupe people) as an attempt by the government to confirm the former as the landlords. Since then, the two groups have engaged in bloody conflict over issues such as boundary dispute or land ownership, forceful acquisition of community land and each group’s expressing historical claimant to the territory.
The Kwara State Government was said to have barred farmers from the two communities from ownership of the land at a time declaring it as a Buffer Zone until the situation is ripe for resolution (SCA/IPCR, 2013:75). For us: Why has the conflict between these two otherwise peaceful neigbouring communities of Share and Tsaragi remained protracted despite numerous efforts over the years to address the problem? The reasons are not far fetch; lack of mutual trust or poor confidence building by the warring parties to support peace and genuine reconciliation evident in the lack of readiness to accept the recommendations of various Commissions of inquiry set up on the conflict. Although, more often than not, the constitution of judicial and other panels of enquiry on civil disobedience and communal crises have never solved conflicts in Nigeria since their recommendations are hardly implemented by the appropriate authorities. Â Perhaps, this explains the more reason why violent conflicts between the warring communities or religiously motivated sectarian violence persist in the country.
At one time or the other, both the Federal Government and Kwara State government have constituted different panels of enquiry on Share/Tsaragi boundary dispute. Unfortunately, none of the recommendations of these judicial commissions on the crisis even after governments’ white paper has been ever implemented partly because one of the warring parties to the conflict often rejected the reports For instance, the Justice Mamman Nasir led Boundary Adjustment Commission constituted to ensure effective boundary demarcation following the reforms that led to LG creation way back 1976 visited the two communities and made recommendations which, even though accepted by both Federal and State Governments, were not implemented. In similar vein, the Federal Government set up the Justice [Louis] Mbanefo Panel in 1995/96, which also came up with fresh recommendations that have been implemented.
Following renewed violence under the Administration of Governor Muhammed Lawal (1999-2003, the State government set up a panel under the chairmanship of the Deputy Governor, Deacon Sayomi in 2002 to look into the crisis. The panel issued a report that was rejected by a party in the conflict. In 2008, there was yet another violent disturbance between the two communities. The Bukola Saraki administration (2003-2011) responded by constituting Justice Mahmud Abdulgafar Commission of inquiry. The Justice Mahmud commission came out with various recommendations which were accepted by the government. The Emir of Ilorin, HRM Alhaji Ibrahim Sulu Gambari, led other traditional rulers in the State Commission of inquiry following the December 2015 renewed violence had also submitted its report to the State government. In all, there have been five commissions/panels on Share/Tsaragi boundary dispute between 1976 and 2015 whose recommendations either been rejected by warring parties or never implemented by the relevant authorities.
It is therefore pertinent to know what really constitutes the stumbling block towards resolution of the conflict. At stage we need to ask ourselves why all the stakeholders and government could not find a lasting solution to this perennial problem that has thrown the two towns into a state of chaos ravaging the social, economic and political activities of the area. Essentially, lack of readiness by the parties involved to imbibe the spirit of give and take embedded in negotiation, conciliation, arbitration instead of violent confrontation has undoubtedly impeded the genuine peace in the area. For us: deploying law enforcement agents including the army or imposing 24 hours curfew need to be supported by third party peace advocacy to create safe space for building trust for enduring peace and reconciliation in the area. In a clear term, there is need to invest more in peace through confidence building workshops. The State and non state actors must support a panel of reconciliation to midwife people to people diplomacy as vital ingredients for conflict resolution. The more reason the people of Share/Tsaragi must give peace a chance.
Lest we forget, government should always ensure those fanning the ember of discord instigating violence in the two communities are identified and appropriately punished to serve as deterrence. For too long, allowing masterminds of heinous crimes to escape justice somehow send wrong signals that more likely encourage subsequent rounds of violence. In any case, government needs to redesign its strategy of managing crises in the state by collaborating with the non state actors particularly in the areas of peace education. The issue of early warning and response can also not to be ignored.
Written by Tunde Salman and Kareem Abdulrasaq, Grassroots Development and Advocacy Centre, Asa Dam, Ilorin, Kwara State.
