August 09, (THEWILL) – Can Nigeria’s foreign policy be revived? Can we have, once again, a Nigeria of the1960s up to the 90s? Can the giantship of Nigeria within the African continent still be rightly claimed beyond the population factor? And, in the case of possibility, what measures do we take? What foreign policy do we set to achieve our national interest? Is Afrocentrism still workable and needed? How do we get rid of impeding factors? All of these are questions asked by Nigeria’s International Relations scholars and diplomats.
Corruption, poor economy and bad leadership are some of the factors ascribed to the protracted deficiency of Nigeria’s foreign policy. The lack of a diplomatic leader was seeming to have gained a cushion upon the succession of Nigeria’s new President, Bola Ahmed Tinubu. However, the latter’s efforts for a better Nigeria, home and across the border, have received several challenges and criticisms from various spectators.
The emergence of a newly elected proactive President of Nigeria, Tinubu, as the Chairperson of the Economic Community of West African States, ECOWAS, was the chorus of the day in Nigeria’s politics until another development—Niger Coup—erupted and challenges the proficiency of the President’s leadership on one hand, and the “renewed hope” of the Nigerians and ECOWAS on the other hand.
You would recall in his sagacious inaugural speech at the 63rd Ordinary Session of the Authority of Heads of State and Government in Bissau, when President Tinubu pledged, among other conspicuous things, that ECOWAS, under his Chair, would not tolerate “coup after coup in West Africa.” The Nigerien conundrum has, however, come to identify as the first challenger of this assurance, and the undying thirst of Nigeria’s diplomats and IR scholars for the reawakening of an influential Nigeria.
Not to major the minor, I shall focus on external affairs, rather than examining the effects of the domestic policies and engagements of the President in Nigeria towards the actualisation of the aforementioned goals since he stepped in on May 29. Therefore, the Nigerien conundrum shall serve as the fulcrum of my insights.
While some analysts and researchers including Mbulle-Nzuege and Cheesee have identified France’s neocolonial intervention in an article published by the BBC, last week, as a major factor for the Niger Coup, analysts like the former Foreign Affairs Minister, Bolaji Akinyemi, has reiteratedly admitted that the cause of the Niger Coup is not cleared to anyone yet.
What is inarguable is that the Nigeriens are in deep water. Whether deliberate or not, it has come to market President Tinubu’s leadership not only as the ECOWAS Chair but also as a foreign policy actor. By the end of this conundrum, ECOWAS and the Nigerian Government would have learnt many lessons, be they successful or not.
Replicating poor diplomacy, ECOWAS, under Tinubu’s chair, had issued a seven days ultimatum, followed subsequently by a vow to resort to military intervention—not considering the expiration of the ultimatum. It has, however, not been realised, probably as it realised that diplomacy does not work that way. Not even in the case of such a vincible organisation as ECOWAS whose “burden bearer” is becoming a shadow of itself.
Do you contest that? The organisation had met a big blow with regard to embarking on military intervention, only after the Nigerian Senate voted down President Tinubu’s request for the deployment of Nigerian troops for the mission. Many reasons are given: the proximity between the northern Nigerian States and Niger; financial wherewithal; as well as the nature of insecurity and domestic setbacks in the country—especially in the northern region.
The lessons, therefore, are glaring. ECOWAS cannot continue to remain indifferent in a case where some members of it are operating another system—military regime—contrary to the body’s objective, as continuation would only spur a reverberation of the ongoing cause. The body would also ensure a relatively balanced system that is not largely dependent on one country. It would realise that Nigeria is far behind to replicate neither the United States’ role in the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation, NATO, nor Russia’s in the BRICS.
The body would also, very importantly, adopt the Poliheuristic theory in its decision-making process; it would consider the cognitive and environmental constraints it’s got to prevent a vague diplomatic move henceforth.
ECOWAS would start to embark on the sensitisation of member states on the benefits of democracy. Not only that, it would ensure an enabling operating system in its member countries where corruption, insecurity, and poverty—all of which are influencers of a military coup—would be eradicated or effectively controlled to open the citizens’ eyes to the bondage of military government.
Nigeria/President Tinubu, on the other hand, should realise that some factors have to be attended to if Nigeria’s position in Africa must be resuscitated. Continuous increase of armed men would only be useful if there are adequate and sophisticated ammunitions; an economy that is capable to render a Big Brother role is a matter of earnestness; internal security is not only important for fostering a good economy but also confers international repute.
While I will not be supporting the chorus that President Tinubu is calling for war through his interventionist policy, more less of Professor Mimiko’s position that Nigeria—in its quest for leadership of ECOWAS—should encourage a French intervention (on the basis of human and economic cost), I would advise that President Tinubu and ECOWAS did a thorough calculation, while it continues to impose sanctions on the Junta government.
The West would not sit back to continue to see a collapse of democracy; it’s going to be a collective effort. And, by that would Africa strive to break the bone of dependency and neocolonialism of the Western world not disregarding that responsibility goes with costs.
*** Written by Abdulkabir Muhammed from Lagos State University. He can be reached via his social media handles at [email protected]
About the Author
