Will the 2019 general elections be a one-party affairs? I need an sincere retort to this nagging question because the daily influx of members of the erstwhile “almighty” Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) into the 2-year old All Progressives Congress (APC) is alarming. The PDP which boasted to rule Nigeria for 60 years was defeated just two years ago after the general elections in 2015 at all levels of government. Yet, it could pride itself of some considerable numbers of memberships in the central government. Nonetheless, the party is still enjoying the huge privilege of having the largest percentage of appointed positions in the federal government. Why then this unhindered ‘running away’ from the party by its stalwarts?
Statistically after the 2015 general polls, PDP had only 13 of the 36 states of the federation namely: Abia, Akwa Ibom, Bayelsa, Cross River, Delta, Ebonyi, Ekiti, Enugu, Gombe, Kogi, Ondo, Rivers and Taraba. This meant that all states of the Southeast save Imo (APC) and Anambra (APGA) as well as all states of South-South save Edo were no-go-areas for the APC. In a flash, the APC has grabbed Kogi and Ondo states, thus further weakening PDP’s strength by reducing its states to eleven. This is happening amidst wild speculations that some of the remaining PDP state governors are counting time for their defection. The chairman of the PDP’s Governors’ Forum and governor of Ekiti state, Ayo Fayose, has openly expressed skepticism over handing over power to a successor under the platform of PDP.
At the National Assembly, the PDP lost membership in all the states of the north save Gombe and Taraba. Though it maneuvered its ways to clinch juicy positions in the National Assembly, it is now the minority and opposition party. After the last defections of its members in the Senate and House of Representatives, the statistics stands at 64:45 Senators and 226:124 House members, all in favour of the APC. Yet, there are strong indications that many more are awaiting the appropriate time to formally announce their farewell to the PDP.
The last defectors, Senator Nelson Effiong, representing Akwa Ibom South Senatorial District announced his defection during Senate plenary on 19th January, 2017, citing divisions within the PDP as his reason for leaving the party. Also during plenary at the House of Representatives on Wednesday, March 22, Hassan Anthony representing Ado/Ogbadibo/Okpokwu constituency of Benue state, announced his defection citing division in the PDP.
Effiong, a former speaker of the Akwa Ibom State House of Assembly and who hails from the same senatorial district as the governor of the state, Udom Emmanuel, contended with his postulations that no reasonable politician would allow his people to be drifting about without a direction. He claimed to have decided to resign from the PDP and move to the party that is bringing peace and direction to this country, the APC. Joshua Dariye, Plateau, and Yele Omogunwa, Ondo, had also defected to the APC on the grounds of the division in PDP.
There have also been pressures on the Deputy Senate President, Ike Ekweremadu, to abandon the PDP if he is to retain the position, pressures that have been resisted. Some APC Senators had urged Ekweremadu to defect to the APC to avoid removal.
The fact is that PDP is dying. Some of its founders believe that it is even dead. The party is being claimed by two factions led by Senator Ali Sheriff and Senator Ahmed Makarfi who were governor of Borno and Kaduna respectively. Until the leadership tussle is settled, nothing realistic of the recovery of the party can be assured. Though there have been several court rulings in favour of each contender, the latest from the Appeal Court confirmed the Modu-Sheriff leadership. The ruling is being challenged by the Makarfi bloc at the Supreme Court.
Whether or not PDP, with the same nomenclature, will ever capture power again at the center is a matter of public scrutiny and consideration.
The expected ruling by the apex court may make or mar the future of the ailing party which has been accused by Nigerians of plundering the commonwealth of the nation. Even as the party seems to rely basically on its acclaimed grassroots patronage and 16 years of democratic experiences, its leadership of Nigeria has often conflicted with integrity and accountability. However, a ‘boisterous’ leadership it had claimed, it is hopeful that once its internal rancor is resolved the party can bounce back and mobilize Nigerians to its side to reclaim power in 2019. But what happens if the final court ruling favours Sherriff or Makarfi?
On its part, the APC should, in the interest of its loyalists and Nigerians, exercise restraint in accepting all defectors from the opposition, except if 2019 general elections will hold without opposition. It cannot be far from the truth that some of these defectors, despite their claims, may not have good intentions for the APC. After all, only permanent interest is overbearing in politics.
The APC can comfortably claim 85 percent of the Nigerian populace and over 65 percent of the political elite. It should, therefore, stop discouraging its members who had suffered humiliation in the hands of the opposition. The acceptance and immediate appointments of PDP members who jumped into the APC overnight are cases to worry about. Baskets of complaints by the pioneer members have continued to trigger public discourse. Even the women stalwarts of the APC are not left out.
South-south women leader of the party, Rachael Akpabio decried the situation saying that the continued marginalization of members may weigh heavily against the party’s chances in 2019. However, the APC should not allow the PDP to die completely so that there remains a voice for the opposition which will in turn make the 2019 general elections more interesting.
Written by Muhammad Ajah, an advocate of humanity, peace and good governance in Abuja. mobahawwah@yahoo.co.uk.
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